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A Russian overnight attack on Dnipro hit a multi-story residential building and injured seven people, including two children, regional authorities said early Wednesday.

Dnipropetrovsk Regional Military Administration head Oleksandr Hanzha said the strike damaged residential areas and caused fires across the city.

Cars and a shop were also set ablaze, according to the regional official.

The number of injured initially rose from two to three before climbing to seven by 2:40 a.m., Hanzha said.

Among the wounded were two girls, aged 9 and 14, who were taken to hospital.

Three adults were also hospitalized, and doctors assessed their condition as moderate, Hanzha said. Earlier, he said two women, aged 62 and 68, were hospitalized, while a 35-year-old man would receive outpatient treatment.

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Former Israeli prime minister Ariel Sharon, when asked to explain the apparent about-face that led him to advocate the unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, quoted a beloved Israeli pop ballad. “What you can see from there, you can’t see from here,” he said, referring to the shift in perspective he had supposedly undergone since coming to power.

Although the 2005 Gaza disengagement was perhaps less a change of heart than one of strategy, as his senior adviser later admitted, the lyric became a byword of Israeli politics, an oft-cited reminder that perspective is everything.

Israeli-born Holocaust historian Omer Bartov invoked the same line when he was asked how he had come to view Israel’s ferocious assault on Gaza as a genocide. Living in the US, where he has spent more than three decades, he said, had given him the necessary distance to see the annihilation of Gaza for what it was. “I think it’s very hard to be dispassionate when you’re there,” he said.

Bartov did more than simply apply the word genocide to Israel’s actions: he shouted it from the establishment-media rooftops, making the case in a lengthy July 2025 essay in the New York Times titled: I’m a Genocide Scholar. I Know It When I See It. (He had addressed some of the arguments in a Guardian essay the year prior.) Bartov’s declaration cost him several close relationships, he told me, even though subsequent events have not only validated his analysis but further demonstrated the lack of concern for Palestinian suffering that has become prevalent in Israeli society.

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In recent months, European expressions of concern over the actions of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government have regularly hardened into outright condemnation. Last September, the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, expressed horror and outrage at aid restrictions that she said created a “man-made famine” in Gaza. Brussels has inveighed against settler violence and land grabs in the West Bank, which undermine the possibility of a viable Palestinian state. Responding to the bombing of Lebanon following the US-Israeli ceasefire with Iran, the EU’s foreign policy chief, Kaja Kallas, said: “Israel’s right to self-defence does not justify this destruction.”

The angry words and exhortations have achieved nothing. Mr Netanyahu and his ministers have generally treated European critics with barely concealed contempt, presumably reassured by the fact that their chief allies in the White House tend to behave in exactly the same fashion. The EU is Israel’s biggest trading partner, and the academic benefits it confers through Israeli participation in the Horizon research programme are considerable. But internal disunity, and an overoptimistic faith in the power of persuasion, have led to a reluctance by the bloc to use those relationships as leverage.

Belatedly, there are indications that a change in approach may be coming. The recent election humiliation for Hungary’s outgoing prime minister, Viktor Orbán, was also a bad result for Mr Netanyahu, who lost an invaluable far-right ally. In February, Hungary was the only EU country to vote against the adoption of sanctions against violent settlers in the West Bank, blocking a measure requiring unanimity. Once Mr Orbán’s successor is in office, it is expected that the proposal will come back to the table.

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The 13th Khartia Brigade has become one of the most visible and fastest-growing formations within Ukraine’s National Guard. What began as a volunteer unit defending Kharkiv in the early days of Russia’s full-scale invasion has since expanded into a corps, operating along some of the most contested sections, including Bakhmut in 2023 and, more recently, the battles around Kupyansk, where it helped retake roughly 90 percent of the city.

Just a short drive beyond Kharkiv, the war reveals itself in fragments: in positions, in improvised workshops, in training grounds, and in the people moving between them.

On a large parking lot in Saltivka, the northeasternmost district of Kharkiv, a white van pulls up. The sliding door opens. Inside are Titan, the driver, Kit and Cat. With a slight smile, I check once more if I heard correctly. Cat is my contact with the Khartia Brigade, an operational unit with a high degree of autonomy, bringing together infantry, artillery and drone systems under one structure. Based here in the city, its presence is hard to miss – its tags and symbols appear on walls, bus and tram stops across Kharkiv and beyond.

We head further north, passing one high-rise after another, long rows of Soviet-era panel buildings. Saltivka is among the areas most frequently hit by Russian drones and missiles. Facades are torn open, entire sections are missing, and some floors are exposed. Almost every block has windows boarded up with plywood.

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Two U.S. Embassy officials died in a car crash on Sunday alongside one Mexican official and an officer in the Mexican state of Chihuahua. 

The group had worked earlier to shut down a drug lab in the municipality of Morelos, according to Reuters.

“This tragedy is a solemn reminder of the risks faced by those Mexican and U.S. officials who are dedicated to protecting our communities,” U.S. Ambassador to Mexico Ronald Johnson wrote in a statement on the social platform X.

“It strengthens our resolve to continue their mission and advance our shared commitment to security and justice, to protect our people,” he added.

The State Department did not immediately respond to The Hill’s request for the names ofhttps://media.cnn.com/api/v1/images/stellar/prod/whatsapp-image-2026-04-18-at-12-34-25.jpg?c=original&q=w_860,c_fill/f_avif the two embassy officials who were killed.

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A senior State Department delegation traveled to Cuba on April 10 for talks with the government, a State Department official confirmed to USA TODAY. A senior State Department official also had a separate meeting with former Cuban leader Raul Castro's grandson during the visit, the person said.

It was the first time that a U.S. government plane had landed in Cuba since 2016. Axios was the first news outlet to report that the meetings took place.

The officials told the Cuban government that the island's economy is in free fall and its ruling elites had a narrow window to make reforms before circumstances irreversibly worsen, the State Department official said. The person said that Trump is committed to pursuing a diplomatic solution, if one is possible, but will not let allow the island to collapse into what he views as a major national security threat, if Cuba’s leaders are unwilling or unable to act.

At the meeting, the U.S. proposed to bring Starlink's high-speed internet services to Cuba. But the officials said Havana needs to enact reforms that will make Cuba's economy more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. They also pushed for compensation of Americans and American-owned businesses that had their property confiscated and a lifting of constraints on political freedoms.

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